Farnsworth,
"_Resolved_, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be requested to inquire
and report to this House if any, and what, further legislation is
necessary on the part of the United States to fully carry out and
perform the stipulations contained in the eighth article of the treaty
with Great Britain (known as the 'Ashburton treaty') for the suppression
of the slave trade." _House Journal_, 35 Cong. 2 sess. pp. 115-6.
~1859, Jan. 5. Congress (Senate): Resolution on Slave-Trade.~
On motion of Mr. Seward, Dec. 21, 1858,
"_Resolved_, That the Committee on the Judiciary inquire whether any
amendments to existing laws ought to be made for the suppression of the
African slave trade." _Senate Journal_, 35 Cong. 2 sess. pp. 80, 108,
115.
~1859, Jan. 13. Congress (Senate): Bill on Slave-Trade.~
Mr. Seward introduced "a bill (Senate, No. 510) in addition to the acts
which prohibit the slave trade." Referred to committee, reported, and
dropped. _Ibid._, pp. 134, 321.
~1859, Jan. 31. Congress (House): Reopening of Slave-Trade.~
"Mr. Kilgore moved that the rules be suspended, so as to enable him to
submit the following preamble and resolutions, viz:
"Whereas the laws prohibiting the African slave trade have become a
topic of discussion with newspaper writers and political agitators, many
of them boldly denouncing these laws as unwise in policy and disgraceful
in their provisions, and insisting on the justice and propriety of their
repeal, and the revival of the odious traffic in African slaves; and
whereas recent demonstrations afford strong reasons to apprehend that
said laws are to be set at defiance, and their violation openly
countenanced and encouraged by a portion of the citizens of some of the
States of this Union; and whereas it is proper in view of said facts
that the sentiments of the people's representatives in Congress should
be made public in relation thereto: Therefore--
"_Resolved_, That while we recognize no right on the part of the federal
government, or any other law-making power, save that of the States
wherein it exists, to interfere with or disturb the institution of
domestic slavery where it is established or protected by State
legislation, we do hold that Congress has power to prohibit the foreign
traffic, and that no legislation can be too thorough in its measures,
nor can any penalty known to the catalogue of modern punishment for
crime be too severe against a traffic so inhuman and unchristian.
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